The population genocide, Part 2

Review of Matthew Connelly, Fatal Misconception: The Struggle to Control World Population, Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2008.

The UNFPA became the central population control agency, but
immediately it was criticized for bypassing national governments and
being unaccountable to UN member states. UNFPA was criticized as a
“U.S. front organization.” UNFPA had no assessment personnel. Awash
with funds from Rockefeller, Sweden, and the U.S., UNFPA decided it
needed to launder its sources of funds by enlisting the World Bank as
stand-in financier. Moreover, many countries were actually
underpopulated and were experiencing declining fertility rates
without population control programs. Some of these countries united
to oppose fertility control in their countries.

By 1971 much of this new money was pouring into India. India was
paying one hundred rupees per sterilization and was achieving 60,000
sterilizations per month in some provinces. Large clinics were
performing as many as fifty vasectomies at a time. In Gujarat
230,000 sterilizations were performed in two months. Officials in
Gujarat were paid 1000 rupees as a reward, which exceed the average
annual income in India. The Ministry of Health established a goal of
5.6 million sterilizations per year.

As the U.S. fought its war against poverty, the language was also
applied to the war against population. Contraception was
“ammunition”, the officials were “troops,” and the people were “the
enemy.” However, the main weapon, the IUD, had a 40% failure rate,
and indiscriminate sterilization of older people made the programs
less effective than they may have appeared.

The new global population strategy also suffered from lack of
statistics as many nations would not reveal their statistics to
prevent criticism. Follow-up studies were rare and did not influence
the shaping of programs because so many now had a vested interest in
continuing the money flow. By 1974 the UN was disbursing $3 billion
annually for population control, roughly one-third of all
international aid.

By 1974 Africans had begun organized attacks on UN population control
programs, accusing the UN of Neomalthusiainsm and targeting the poor.

In 1974 the World Population Conference issued a World Population
Plan of Action. Part of this plan called for building 1500 buildings
and hiring 30,000 population workers in Indonesia. Villagers were
required to attend regular public meetings and report on their
contraception use. In Bangladesh several tens of thousands of
population workers were hired to institute a massive fertility
control program. These programs were really financed by USAID through
grants to the UN.

By 1980, international sterilization programs were being funded with
$35 million worldwide. Thousands of foreign doctors were trained in
sterilization procedures at Johns Hopkins University and then sent
home. A trained doctor could now perform 90 sterilizations per day.
The controllers also stepped up their promotion of abortion by
issuing “menstrual regulation” kits. The idea was to flood nations
with cheap technology that would bypass any legal restrictions on
abortion.

But by 1973 the brain trust, Rockefeller, Robert McNamara, Ford
Foundation Vice President David Bell, and David Hopper of the
International Development Research Center, had no definitive research
showing cause and effect on fertility programs and thus no basis for
advising governments on how to control population. Meanwhile, over
900 international projects were in operation.

In 1973 the Indian sterilization rate fell by 70 percent. UNFPA
granted India $40 million, and India increased the fee paid for
sterilization from 45 rupees to 70 rupees. The sterilization rate
then climbed back up to 1.4 million in 1974.

In 1974 the World Population Conference in Bucharest brought over
1000 delegates from 133 countries and over 900 journalists together
to brainstorm on population planning. The leaders wanted to link
population control with economic development under free trade.
However, opposition arose to the placement of so many former colonial
officials in the UN population movement. This “Third World” revolt
against population control as a continuation of imperialism was to
short-circuit the controllers’ plans. The U.S. delegates believed
that world fertility must be forced down to replacement level by 2000
or there would be food riots and revolutions that would close foreign
markets to U.S. investment under the planned global free trade regime.

The headline speaker, Lester R. Brown of the Overseas Development
council, then alarmed the assembly by stating that the world had less
than one month’s supply of food reserves, and the U.S. might soon
decide which nations would starve. Feminists Germaine Greer, Betty
Friedan, and Margaret Mead then led a women’s revolt against male
leadership over the population control movement. An anti-Malthusian
ad hoc organization then publicized abuses in the sterilization
camps. Rockefeller then delivered his speech in which he claimed
previous errors and announced a feminist slant on further projects,
with population control to be tied to economic development worldwide.
National sovereignty made a comeback at this conference. The IPPF was
accused of being a front for U.S. global interventionism.

The main outcome of this failed agenda was to promote feminists as
leaders of the world population control movement.

Meanwhile back in India the Congress Party fell into squabbling
factions and Indira Gandhi was found guilty of violations of election
laws. Gandhi invoked emergency powers and began to arrest over
100,000 members of the political opposition. With the suspension of
the Constitution, more severe methods were open to the population
control bureaucrats. Parents who had three children and did not
accept sterilization were now jailed. Indian bureaucrats elevated a
“right to progress” as superceding individual rights. The new program
raised the age of marriage, increased women’s literacy, and raised
incentive payments for sterilization to 150 rupees for those with two
children and 100 for those with three.

Indira Gandhi’s son Sanjay led the movement to demolish entire
neighborhoods. When local residents appeared to beg for mercy,
they were told to produce a few hundred candidates for sterilization
or have their neighborhood demolished. Locals then organized
resistance in several neighborhoods, and security forces were called
in. Many people were shot in these riots. As slums were demolished
and people were driven from their homes, only those with
sterilization certificates were eligible for relocation to new
housing. In some cities, every male slum inhabitant was forcibly
sterilized.

The World Bank was so excited by these successes in India that they
proposed another $26 million in aid for India. Sterilization then
became a precondition for receiving irrigation water, electricity,
food rations, medical care, pay raises, promotions, and business
licenses. A sterilization credit market then arose, with people able
to buy and sell the right to reproduce. However, throughout India
young, single men were targeted for mandatory sterilization. Sweden
then came forward with another $17 million to fund these projects,
and Robert McNamara visited India and reported favorably on the
campaign. The Plan was to take this program worldwide. In one year,
India recorded over 8 million sterilizations and 6.2 million
vasectomies. The Swedish economist Goran Ohlin complained to the
World Bank that there were too many empty beds in Indian
sterilization camps. All of the top population insiders approved of
these mandatory measures.

When Indira Gandhi called an election, the opposition parties became
free to complain about abuses in family planning. Gandhi closed the
sterilization camps, but her campaign rallies drew small crowds as
women began to abandon support for her. The Congress Party faced its
first defeat in history, losing 141 out of 142 seats in the states
that had experienced the most repressive sterilization laws.

With Indira Gandhi’s defeat, the population controllers began to face
more serious and better organized opposition. The failed predictions
of global famine and the already falling fertility rates across the
globe made population control seem less urgent and less justified.
Funding did not immediately dry up, but staffers began to walk away
from jobs that involved planning other people’s families. The
Population Council was in disarray. Both the Rockefeller and Ford
foundations switched focus toward economic development. A Ford paper
in 1977 even asked if it was appropriate for Ford to challenge
traditional morals and values and impose its views on others.

Congress investigated the IPPF, but IPPF officials testified to
Congress that IPPF did not support incentive payments and that USAID
prohibited involuntary sterilization. It never made it to the offical
record that USAID had used intermediaries in India or that IPPF was
responsible for 80,000 sterilizations in India in 1976. These lies prevented the U.S. people from understanding what their government was doing.

Swedish journalists then reported that population control in India had
provoked riots, massacres, and unsafe medical procedures. A revolt
against free condoms developed in the Philippines. In Indonesia the
press argued that free condoms from the U.S. supported underage
prostitution and warned that continuing such aid programs would make
sex as important in Indonesia as in the U.S. In 1977 Pakistan family
planning was attacked as against the spirit of Islam. In Iran the
Ayatollah Khomeini attacked the shah’s family planning program, then
ended it when he took power.

In 1977 Reimert Ravenholt, head of USAID Office of Population, let
the cat out of the bag in an interview with the St. Louis Post-
Dispatch. Ravenholt said the United States had a plan to sterilize
one-quarter of the women in the world. The reason USAID promoted
draconian population control measures abroad was to stimulate foreign
economic development so that the nations of the world would not rebel
against the foreign investments of U.S. corporations. In other words,
population control was a prerequisite for free trade agreements.

After the steep declines in fertility in India, follow-up studies
showed that the sterilization programs affected less than 5 percent
of a country’s fertility rate. Across the world fertility was
declining, whether there were family planning programs or not.
Brazil’s population was declining significantly without any sort of
program.

In 1973 Mao adopted population control and provided free
contraceptives. In 1997 China invited the IPPF to visit. China had
mobil IUD and sterilization teams, incentives, and quotas set by
government offices. China at first had relied on Japanese advice,
then followed up on the Club of Rome’s The Limits of Growth, which
predicted famines and the exhaustion of worldwide oil reserves by
1992. A Chinese missile scientist named Jian Song learned about the
Club of Rome at a conference in Helsinki. He then returned to China
and ran future population projections at the missile ministry
computers. Song reported a projection of 4 billion by 2080 if
families continued to have 3 children (the fertility rate was 2.7 in
the 1970s). China’s leaders then formed a campaign to halt all
population growth by 2000 by adopting a one-child policy.

The Chinese invited the IPPF into China because it wanted more
computers to process census data and track local birth quotas.
Chinese were given individual birth permits, good for one year only.
Local street committees monitored women’s menstrual cycles and forced
women to have monthly gynecological exams. Women who had an abortion
received 14 days of paid vacation, and 40 days if the abortion were
performed during the second trimester of pregnancy, followed by
sterilization. Parents who had more than two children were taxed an
extra ten percent of their wages.

However, there was rural resistance to these policies, and cash was
not always available to pay incentives. China increased its coercive
measures with “shock campaigns” of forced abortions, sterilizations,
and IUD insertions. With these tactics China achieved 8 million
abortions and 7 million sterilizations in 1979.

The UNFPA supported China with a $50 million grant in 1980.

In 1983 Xinzhong Qian, a former major general of the People’s
Liberation Army, was given authority to conduct coercive crash
programs inserting IUDs. All parents with two or more children were
to be sterilized, and all unauthorized pregnancies were to be
aborted. In 1983 over 16 million women and 4 million men were
sterilized, and 14 million abortions were performed. At the same
time, South Korea announced a one-child policy. In Singapore, the
government offered poor women $5000 if they would be sterilized, and
university graduates were given tax breaks if the would have three or
more children. The United Nations Population Award was given to Qian,
along with a monetary prize.

Assembled UN representatives also applauded the announcement by Cambodian and Laotian Communists that they had “solved their population problem” by mass murder.

Meanwhile USAID hinged its aid to Africa on performance of population
control objectives. World Food Program aid was denied to anyone who
was not sterilized.

USAID cut off support for China in 1985. Both the IPPF and UNFPA
denied that they funded abortions or coercive family planning. In
fact UNFPA had trained 70,000 population control agents in China.

Since there was no public investigation of UNFPA or disclosure of its
policies and activities, a generation of coercive eugenicists at the
UN never had to acknowledge their roles in the Indian and Chinese
coercive policies. In the 1980s young feminists began to enter
population studies and took jobs in these bureaucracies without ever knowing their history.

The Clinton administration restored funding cuts to IPPF and UNFPA.
Vice-President Al Gore then linked population growth with environmental
concerns. Population control efforts continue to be well funded by the U.S. and the UN. They are now linked with the agenda of global socialist control over the world economy.

Connelly concludes that the Malthusians such as Bertrand Russell, Harry Laughlin, and Julian Huxley were one-world government advocates who hoped that a world government would control world
population. They got their programs, but the future of world population is now under the control of Hillary Clinton Communist feminism, without a single voice advocating men’s rights or men’s control over their families. It is no longer the geneticists or the Malthusians who control world population but the matriarchalists, the Communists who control international feminism.

Connelly rejects naming this elite effort a conspiracy, but he does
suggest that conspiratorial evidence may lie in unexplored archives
of the Population Council, the International Planned Parenthood
Federation, the Ford and Rockefeller foundations, the World Bank, and
UN population control agencies. But there is no doubt that this
program involved deceptive practices, propaganda campaigns, forced
sterilization, bribery, murder, and corruption on a large scale, without actually having any research into correlations between population size and poverty or how sterilization campaigns influence population growth.

We don’t shrink from calling it the world population control
conspiracy. Welcome to the New World Order. None of these controllers
has been charged with a crime. Instead, they are elevated as heroes
and held up as philanthropists who are acting in the best interests
of the people they are victimizing. This is the level of deceit we
are dealing with.

The people who are most ignorant of the world population control
program reside in the United States, mainly because population controllers lied to Congress. If you wonder why the rest of the world resents U.S. intrusion, rest assured it is not because they envy our democracy or our wealth. It is because they know that the United States funded the evil population control programs and targeted their families.

Now refer back to the arguments for population control in Garrett Hardin’s book, The Ostrich Factor. You can now understand Hardin’s arguments as phony cover for the population control reality. Top-level population controllers don’t dirty their hands with program administration. They instead indoctrinate the dumbest people, the feminists, with phony statistics and propaganda to enlist them into becoming program administrators. You are controlled by their lies. Your destiny is to be controlled by the dumbest and most evil people on the planet, the feminists, in the name of Enviro-socialism.

The United States government, the United Nations, and the feminists are the enemies of the people of the world.

Propaganda terms to reject: global population control, economic development under free trade, food riots, right to progress, global famine, planning other people’s families, free condoms, The Limits of Growth, one-child policy, the UN Population Award, the World Food Program.


About The Author

I read over 500 books on the history of the New World Order, but you only need to read one book to make up for the poor education they gave you in the public schools. The Hidden Masters Who Rule the World is a scholarly history that will take you beyond all parties, all worldviews, all prophecies, and all propaganda to an understanding of the future that the global controllers have planned for us.

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